With far-reaching consequences for society, politics and the economy, the COVID-19 pandemic has plunged the world into an unprecedented crisis. Four Peace Academy staff members look at the situation in their research or home countries and report on the threat to indigenous peoples in the Brazilian Amazon, the impact of the pandemic on peace in Colombia, an additional threat to fragile peace in Liberia and the loss of important income for diamond miners[1] in Sierra Leone. In all of the cases described, the COVID-19 pandemic is exposing structural inequalities, hitting vulnerable population groups particularly hard and thus providing potential for new conflicts.
In this crisis, the already disadvantaged are once again the most vulnerable - A look at Brazil
A contribution by Rebecca Froese
A few days ago, I would actually have set off on my next field research trip to the southwest Amazon, but that is of course unthinkable in the current situation. In addition, it is not possible to predict when it will be possible to travel to the region again and whether I would be exposing other people to an increased risk. I am saddened by what our local cooperation partners are reporting and what we are currently hearing from all over the world; from the lack of ventilators to violent police actions to enforce quarantine regulations and questionable changes to the law that are being passed in the background, overshadowed by COVID-19.
In the Amazon in particular, the current situation favors the gold rush mood. The already understaffed and underfunded institutions due to the great distance of many Amazon states from the capital Brasília and the neoliberal policies of President Bolsonaro have been further weakened by COVID-19 in their work against illegal deforestation and illegal gold mining. The economic crisis of recent years has deprived many people of their livelihoods as a result of a currency-related drop in prices and lower local income. Combined with the low likelihood of prosecution during COVID-19, this is drawing more and more people into gold mining, some illegally, some state-sponsored. This not only has devastating consequences for the environment, but also endangers local communities in particular due to the threat of the virus spreading. Particularly affected are previously isolated indigenous peoples, whose immune systems are barely prepared for such viruses and for whom even a harmless form of flu can be fatal, as there is no corresponding background immunity due to previous infections with coronaviruses. In addition, the indigenous people have hardly any access to healthcare and preventative measures such as masks and disinfectants, as the state has in many cases failed to extend the healthcare system to the often remote regions or has left this to private initiatives.
A look back to the 1970s can give us an idea of the scale of this threat. When measles was introduced to the Yanomami by expanding road construction and gold miners, it killed 50% of the people in some regions. The careless handling of COVID-19 also worries Brazil's neighboring countries, as the borders in the Amazon are often fluid and the spread is difficult to track and control. In Colombia, for example, the rising number of COVID-19 victims from indigenous communities has already led to talk of an impending ethnocide. Despite this threat, the authorities in the regions have so far done little to protect these people. On the contrary, the Brazilian government is currently even trying, in cooperation with the indigenous authority (FUNAI), to initiate a change in the law that would severely restrict the traditional rights of indigenous people to their land and only recognize demarcated and titled land rights. It remains to be seen how this initiative will turn out. It is to be hoped that the omnipresence of COVID-19 will not overshadow these severe cuts and that indigenous people will not only be disadvantaged in terms of health but also in the fight for their rights. Once again, it is clear that the already disadvantaged people in our society are the most vulnerable in this crisis.
Despite the building of institutions in Brazil and the hopeful look back at the important economic and socio-political reforms of the early 2000s, which lifted many people out of poverty, many of these marginalized people have lost trust in the state. What is left for a population if the state does not offer adequate solutions? The strategy that many indigenous people have been pursuing for decades is to organize themselves and support each other. Special protection mechanisms in the current crisis include, for example, their own education and information campaigns in social media, such as podcasts on behavioral recommendations or the invitation to communities to share their actions with others via video under #CombateCoronaNaAldeia (Fight Corona in the village). We will see in a few weeks whether these autonomous organizational and protective mechanisms are enough. However, we should not forget that every state has a duty to treat all people equally during a crisis and to put the right to life first.
About the authors
Zabrina Welter is a research associate at the Peace Academy Rhineland-Palatinate in the research area 'Environmental and Resource Conflicts' and at the University of Freiburg at the Chair of Sustainability Governance. She conducts research in the field of post-conflict governance of natural resources and environmental peacebuilding with a focus on Colombia.
Violence in the countryside and against leading activists in times of COVID-19: Is this the peace Colombia wants?
A contribution by Zabrina Welter
COVID-19 has kept me in my hometown of Bogota for more than a month now. Sitting in my childhood bedroom, I couldn't feel happier to be spending this difficult time alongside my family. However, this feeling of gratitude has a pale aftertaste every time I open a Colombian newspaper. Contrary to expectations, the pandemic is not having a positive impact on peace through a reduction in conflict-related violence, such as a COVID-19-related ceasefire by the guerrilla group Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). Instead, violence in the countryside and against leading activists is creating new potential for conflict.
Colombia's internal armed conflict stems from a long history of political violence, high social and economic inequalities and the unequal distribution of land, political power and wealth. In the 1960s, left-wing rebel groups formed to fight these inequalities with violence. This was followed by decades of conflict with complex and dynamic constellations of actors. In 2012, the government began peace talks with the most important guerrilla group, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC). The so-called peace process culminated in the signing of a peace agreement in 2016, which contains agreements on five topics: comprehensive land reform, political participation, solving the problem of illegal drugs, special justice and compensation for victims, and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of the rebels. The signing of this agreement motivated the government and the last remaining active guerrilla group, the ELN, to start formal peace negotiations in 2017, but there has been no significant progress to date.
Although we have been under curfew for two months, the violence against leading activists has not stopped. Among other things, these activists campaign for the victims of the armed conflict, indigenous people, Afro-Colombians, rural communities, dispossessed landowners and support for 'campesinos' (small farmers) who depend on coca and marijuana cultivation. For years, these activists have been drawing attention to the effects of violence and injustice, demanding appropriate measures and putting themselves in danger. Since the beginning of the year, at least 84 leading activists have been murdered, 16 of them since the curfew began. Through their efforts, leading activists attract the wrath of criminal groups involved in illegal drug cultivation and illegal mining, for example. Their advocacy for the rights of dispossessed 'campesinos' with land use claims is also a thorn in the side of many landowners who are directly or indirectly involved in dispossession. In the current situation, leading activists not only have to fear for their lives due to the threat of attacks by guerrillas and criminal groups, but also have to withstand the threat of the pandemic.
Rural population groups are also facing an existential threat, as the lockdown is significantly affecting their livelihoods. In fact, the pandemic has highlighted the structural vulnerability of regions where factors such as armed violence, injustice and inadequate state presence come together. A good example is the case of illegal drug cultivation, on which parts of the rural population depend. As a result of the peace agreement, the Colombian government is pursuing two strategies to solve the problem of illegal drugs: a comprehensive program for the substitution of illegal cultivation, which supports small farmers in converting the cultivation of drug crops to profitable legal crops, and the forced eradication of drug crops by uprooting or spraying pesticides. Now the government is using the lockdown to its advantage to carry out forced eradication operations in at least six departments, including areas that are part of the comprehensive substitution program. This violates the rights of many families who have become part of these programs for the substitution of illegal crops as part of the peace agreement. Demands by 'campesinos', NGOs and local authorities to stop these operations, at least during the pandemic, are being ignored by the national government, thus denying affected communities the right to health and food security. As a result, 'campesinos' fear not only the spread of COVID-19, but also the loss of their livelihoods - and tensions are rising in the country. I ask myself: is this the peace we want in Colombia?
A stable peace is moving even further away for Liberia
A contribution by Christina Ankenbrand
When I set off on my field research trip to Liberia at the beginning of January, reports of a previously unknown coronavirus began to mount up. Shortly before my return, Germany's first 'corona case' was confirmed on January 27. In Liberia in particular, people were watching the global developments with concern, as the formative memories of the devastating Ebola epidemic in West Africa from 2014 to 2016 run deep. Back then, over 4,800 people died in Liberia, numerous children lost one or both parents and Ebola survivors experienced stigmatization and social exclusion. In many respects, the Ebola epidemic was a serious setback for the development of the crisis-ridden country, whose economic, social and political situation has been shaky since the end of the civil war in 2003. There is great concern that the COVID-19 pandemic will have a similar impact on the country's health and economic situation as well as its political stability, further threatening the country's fragile peace. Many conflict factors such as poverty and inequality, corruption, nepotism, a dysfunctional social and healthcare system and gender-based violence continue to strongly characterize Liberia's everyday life and are likely to be further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Peace and state-building are particularly important in times like these, but mistrust of the government is high, partly because social infrastructure and healthcare have hardly improved over the years. A lack of trust in the government and an inadequate social and healthcare system make effective measures to combat COVID-19 extremely difficult. In addition, neglecting other life-threatening diseases such as malaria and tuberculosis could cost many more lives.
Liberia's first COVID-19 case became official on March 16. To date, there have been 199 confirmed cases, 20 of which have resulted in death, and the number of unreported cases is likely to be significantly higher. Social distancing is almost impossible to enforce, especially in the densely populated slums of the capital Monrovia. The current measures, such as curfews between 3 p.m. and 6 a.m., are problematic for large parts of the population, as most Liberians have hardly any savings and are dependent on working every day and visiting densely populated markets to buy or sell. Social interactions seem to intensify there due to the limited time available to go out.
The emerging global economic recession also threatens to hit Liberia, one of the poorest countries in the world, particularly hard economically. The export of raw materials is falling in many African countries due to a drop in demand and transportation difficulties, and the supply of vital imported goods is being hampered by supply and payment bottlenecks. Liberia is heavily dependent on exports of raw materials such as iron ore and gold as well as agricultural products such as rubber and palm oil. A drop in demand will not only lead to a lack of important government revenue, but also threaten the jobs and livelihoods of many people. As a result, poverty will continue to increase. The effects of COVID-19 are also being felt in the diamond sector, which is the subject of my research into the governance of natural resources and human security. Due to national and international travel restrictions, diamond traders are currently unable to travel to the mines and buy diamonds from diamond miners, nor can they export diamonds abroad. This is worsening the already precarious situation of many diamond miners and their families. For them, as well as for the majority of the Liberian population, the COVID-19 pandemic is pushing peace in the sense of a life without fear and hardship even further away. In fact, for many Liberians, the fear of impending hunger, social unrest and other consequences of COVID-19 is greater than that of the pandemic itself.
Emanuel Hermann works as a student assistant at the Peace Academy Rhineland-Palatinate and is studying Development Studies at the Graduate Institute for International and Development Studies in Geneva. As part of his Master's thesis, he is researching initiatives for socially and environmentally sustainable small-scale diamond mining.
Some hygiene measures should be maintained in Sierra Leone in the future in the fight against other diseases
A contribution by Emanuel Hermann
I was in Sierra Leone until the end of March to research projects for socially and environmentally responsible small-scale mining ('ethically sourced minerals') as part of my Master's thesis. Among other things, these projects promise fairer prices for rough diamonds and an improvement in working conditions in the mines. Projects of this kind are often implemented in cooperation between civil society and industrial actors and were introduced in response to the debate about conflict minerals such as the so-called 'blood diamonds' in the small-scale mining sector. In the wake of global developments and increasing travel restrictions to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, I decided to return to Germany earlier than planned. This shortened my field research, which was scheduled to last nine weeks, by two weeks. Although there was no known case of COVID-19 infection in Sierra Leone at the time of my departure, the government there had already begun preparations in the event of a virus outbreak. In the capital Freetown, for example, hand-washing facilities were set up in front of many public buildings, fever measurements were taken in some cases and restrictions were introduced on the communal use of public transport. One day after my departure at the end of March, the international airport in Freetown was closed, quarantine regulations were introduced for people entering the country from affected countries and the national borders with Liberia and Guinea were also sealed off. On March 24, the government announced a one-year state of emergency, which allows the president to decide and implement measures that he deems necessary to contain the virus. At the beginning of April, a three-day curfew was imposed in order to identify the contacts of the six confirmed COVID-19 cases to date and place them under observation. Nevertheless, the spread of the virus could not be prevented in Sierra Leone either. In the meantime, 307 infections and 18 deaths have been confirmed and over 2,051 people are in quarantine.
I am still in contact via social media with some mine owners who are part of a project for socially and environmentally responsible small-scale mining ('ethically sourced minerals') in the Kono District in the east of the country. Although there is still no confirmed case in Kono and work in the mines is still possible, the current situation is having a significant impact on the work of diamond miners. For example, no diamonds can currently be sold within the project framework as the responsible diamond buyers come from abroad and are not on site at the moment. However, as many diamond miners are dependent on immediate income, some may be forced to sell their diamonds outside the project in the near future at prices that are likely to be significantly lower. In addition, the project is still in the pilot phase and could be terminated prematurely if it proves to be unprofitable. However, some COVID-19-related measures could also have positive consequences that would be worth maintaining even after the crisis. For example, a new hand-washing facility could protect workers from diseases such as hepatitis or typhoid in the future. I am continuing to monitor the situation in the country closely and very much hope that Sierra Leone can prevent the virus from spreading further and thus avoid a situation like that of 2014 to 2016, when the Ebola virus dominated everyday life with far-reaching effects on the economy, politics and society and killed over 3,500 people.
[1] We have deliberately refrained from using gender-neutral language in stories about the diamond sectors of Liberia and Sierra Leone, as diamond miners and traders, for example, are male with very few isolated exceptions. Officially, there are some female license holders, but in reality many of them often have little authority, as decisions are usually made by male family members.