By Janina Ricarda Rüther

The practice of unarmed civilian protection/accompaniment (UCP/A) is criticized for replicating colonial power structures, even though it aims to combat precisely these. The central problem here is perceived to be that people from the Global North are sent to the Global South to de-escalate conflicts there. So how can it be decolonized if this seems to be the most effective means of UCP/A? An attempt will be made here to break down the problem in comparison with the approach of decolonizing humanitarian aid.

UCP/A is an umbrella term for a wide range of activities by unarmed actors to reduce violence and protect civilians in situations of violent conflict (see Venturi, 2015, p. 61). One of the areas in which UCP/A is applied is the accompaniment of refugees to bring them safely from one place to another. The appearance of local actors explicitly asking for a white[1] person for this escort is based on privileges, such as not suffering from structural racism. UCP/A is a concept that is mostly supported by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and is therefore used as an international external intervention strategy to reduce and prevent violence. There are also nationally led organizations, but not as many as international NGOs (see Julian/Schweitzer, 2015, pp. 4-5). For example, the NGO Operazione Colomba works both nationally and internationally, as do Peace Brigades International and Community Peacemaker Teams, among others.

The root of the problem: racism

Racist differentiations, which attribute a privileged position to white people from the Global North and therefore send them to the Global South to de-escalate conflicts there, are part of UCP/A's practice, although it also aims to combat racism. This and the deep-rooted racism that still defines our society also become clear when we look at quotes about the flight from Ukraine after the Russian invasion in February 2022. Here you can see a clear hierarchization of Europe that simultaneously devalues other nations and their inhabitants based on ascribed characteristics. For example, the following sentences were uttered by news anchors from agencies such as CNN, CBS and BBC:

This is not a developing Third World nation, this is Europe / These are prosperous middle-class people; these are not people trying to get away from areas in North Africa. They look like any European family that you would live next door to. / What could be a difference here from other conflicts, you know, that could seem very far away, you know, African, Middle Eastern, whatever, I mean, these are Europeans that we're seeing being killed. / This isn't a place, with all the respect, you know, like Iraq or Afghanistan, you know, this is relatively civilized, relatively European, I have to choose those words carefully too, a city where you wouldn't expect that or hope that it's going to happen. (WDR, 2022)

The racist narratives that were spread at the beginning of the invasion reflect the structural problems and conflicts that need to be overcome. In addition to the defamation described above, people at the borders are differentiated on the basis of their appearance. "Ukrainian-looking people" are allowed to cross the border, while "foreign-looking people" are not (cf. Busari et al., 2022).

The state of research on the decolonization of UCP/A

Research into UCP/A has increased in recent years, which has also led to criticism of the practice itself. It is criticized for replicating power structures associated with colonialism. This is explained by arguing that the postcolonial injustices of race, class and nation, which are intertwined, are part of the way UCP/A functions (cf. Koopman, 2013). This is because by sending personnel from the Global North, attention is drawn to the conflicts, mostly in the Global South. The existing privileges associated with their presence shift the boundaries of the conflict. Incidents in which the international community was alarmed by the killing of a white person, while the killing of people from the local population received hardly any attention, can be traced back to racist power structures. These same structures of privileged treatment of people from the Global North in the Global South are used in UCP/A to accompany people. In particular, the protective power associated with whiteness (see ibid.). The need for decolonization seems evident. In recognition of the research in humanitarian aid, this article aims to contribute to answering the question of the extent to which lessons from its decolonization can be useful for addressing and challenging power structures in UCP/A.

The most recent research on UCP/A is a series of "good practice workshops" conducted by the NGO Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP). NP is a global civil defence organization that coordinated the workshops to discuss the issue of decolonizing UCP/A, among other things. These show that there are at least 60 organizations in 25 countries practicing work that can be subsumed under UCP/A (see Schweitzer, 2022, 10). During the workshops, practitioners, partner organizations and academics came together in six regional advisory groups to review their work, analyze results, validate best practices, assess new issues and identify emerging challenges (cf. NP, 2022). Schweitzer (2020) outlines the relevance of the topic by noting that the issue of privilege and racism is topical worldwide and points out that the work of UCP/A practicing organizations is often based on privileges associated with whiteness and/or nationality. Wood (2019) describes why UCP/A works the way it does with the sentence: "The power of whiteness is paying attention to what you do here" (ibid.).

This article aims to show that the experiences from the decolonization of humanitarian aid can largely be transferred to the process of decolonizing UCP/A. Both take place primarily in the same sector. Both primarily take place in the same sector, which is why they show parallels, especially in the area of colonial continuities. Nevertheless, the practices must be differentiated. Not all decolonization approaches that have proven to be supportive in humanitarian aid can be adopted by UCP/A, but they can shape the further development of strategies for it. These are discussed below.

Power as a decisive factor

As noted in NP's 2021 workshop, Nigerian writer Chimamana Adichie originally identified power in relation to decolonization as the ability to not only tell another person's story, but to make it the definitive story of that person (see Adichie, 2009). The process of making other people's stories definitive also plays a role in UCP/A. This is because stories are significantly influenced by the intervention and appearance of UCP/A practitioners. Accordingly, uncovering and dealing with existing power hierarchies is one of the main features of the decolonization process. The parallels between the decolonization of UCP/A and humanitarian aid, especially those of colonial continuities, are closely interwoven with the stories told. Recognizing that these structures and processes cannot be changed overnight, but seeing that the need for decolonization is becoming increasingly clear, provides an immediate impetus for action.

The NGO Peace Direct's (PD) guide to decolonizing humanitarian aid can be seen as a prime example of the analysis of UCP/A decolonization needs and the formulation of ideas for their implementation. These proposals can be divided into different categories, corresponding to the division of PD's proposals for action. The most important starting point for the process is the certainty that all those affected want to and should be meaningfully involved in the process.

1. Funding and program development: Accepting uncertainties in humanitarian responses such as not insisting on perfectly completed applications is important when it comes to decolonizing UCP/A. These applications portray the standards of the Global North. Therefore, the bridging function of people from the Global North to make capacities accessible should be emphasized and not their role as experts. The acceptance of other standards is also essential here; formulations and layouts can and may vary. With this in mind, the aim is also to change terms such as "promotion" to "compensation". It is also clear how important the role of spoken language is in the discourse on decolonization of both humanitarian aid and UCP/A. Leadership by local actors should always be at the forefront, as the presence of international organizations can trigger emotional reactions based on colonial continuities. Ongoing work on the issue of decolonization is therefore of great importance. Recognizing the need not to forget the roots of inequality should be part of this work. Accordingly, the wishes and needs of local actors should always be at the forefront. The team and the recruitment of employees are also relevant. Diversity and questioning whether it is necessary to send staff from the Global North to the Global South are essential here. UCP/A actors usually want to be part of the solution, but do not want to see themselves as part of the problem.
2. Attitude of the practitioners: In this area, testing new methods, having the courage to fail and learning from it play important roles. Creating stable partnerships between local and international NGOs and sharing skills and knowledge are essential. The priority of local groups is particularly important here. Likewise, creating space for change and encouraging people with marginalized identities to question the current system. Partnerships should be re-evaluated accordingly. The language that is spoken is also important here. A language that does not hurt and on this basis the exchange of words such as "help" and "protection" should be sought. These words imply a certain hierarchy and accordingly promote colonial continuities. "Support" and "accompaniment", for example, could be alternative terms. Assuming that all actors speak English can also exclude affected people and prevent them from fully engaging in the dialog. This underlines a hierarchy in languages that is also rooted in colonialism. Recognizing the collective responsibility to combat structural racism is urgent. Taking a step back as a white person and giving other people the opportunity to raise their voices is seen as a necessary practice.
3. Monitoring, evaluation and reporting: A common agreement on the measurability of a project's success between donors and local actors is seen as key to achieving decolonization. Knowledge generation, analysis and learning play an important role here. Recognizing and investing in local knowledge should be given special importance. Reflecting on one's own identity, motivation and privileges is also important for decolonization. Applying the results of the processes to oneself can therefore be an important tool, which can also be encouraged by practising organizations.
4. Dilemma: Whether privileges and their dependence on colonial structures should be used to support local actors or whether the reproduction of power structures should be completely avoided is up for debate. In the case of complete avoidance, the inability to act internationally must be accepted. This requires further research and a close examination of the dilemma in each individual case.

Conclusion

This article presents the current state of research and links it to findings from humanitarian aid. The insights on the decolonization attempt in this article show that these processes are very specific to each individual case. Above all, they should be adapted to the needs and wishes of those affected, so that the degree of implementation can vary from case to case.

The incidents on the Ukrainian western border clearly show the need for change. Both the treatment of people there and the reporting on it are characterized by structural racism. In the context of UCP/A, one can imagine that white escorts have the power to influence situations like this, which in turn reflects the dilemma. Furthermore, the head of the World Health Organization, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, criticizes the current global focus on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. He questions whether the world is really paying equal attention to the lives of black and white people, citing examples of ongoing emergencies in Ethiopia, Yemen, Afghanistan and Syria, which have only attracted a fraction of the global interest in Ukraine (see Aljazeera, 2022). "The power of whiteness is paying of what you do here" (Wood, 2019) thus refers not only to the dilemma of UCP/A, but also to the structural racism that society is confronted with on a daily basis.

[1] The capitalization of the colloquial terms Black, Brown, Indigenous and White is controversial. As the terms in this article refer to social categories that describe the complexity of groups with shared histories and experiences, these words are capitalized. Furthermore, it should be acknowledged that the capitalization of White is a controversial debate, but since within historically created identities that linked the terms, the construct is seen as the opposite of Black, Brown, and Indigenous, it is also capitalized (see Painter, 2020). However, quotations that do not support this type of capitalization are not intervened in for the purpose of preserving the original text.

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