By Viktoria Reisch

Sexual violence against women in armed conflicts is a controversial and contested issue. It is often perceived as omnipresent, whereas there are certainly cases where this phenomenon is absent. In view of this, the question arises as to which factors influence the occurrence of sexual violence against the female civilian population. The presence of female combatants is sometimes cited as a possible explanatory factor. This thesis is discussed in more detail below using the case studies of the Colombian FARC-EP and the Kurdish YPG/YPJ.

The effects of armed conflicts on women are far-reaching and diverse: food and resource shortages, lack of medical care and psychological stress as well as often forced displacement and the experience of sexual violence. The question of when and why armed groups use sexual violence against civilian women, and even more so when and why they do not, is the subject of much debate and is answered very differently in the relevant literature[1]. According to US political scientist Dara Kay Cohen, there were reports of cases of sexual violence in 81% of the 91 civil wars she studied between 1980 and 2012. She emphasizes that this occurs in all conflict regions and regardless of the subject of the conflict (such as territory, autonomy, resources, etc.), although variations can certainly be seen. On the one hand, the extent varies; for example, only isolated attacks were recorded in 18 civil wars. On the other hand, variations between the groups involved are noticeable within the observed conflicts. If one party to a conflict uses this form of violence, it is not necessarily adopted by the other party or parties[2]. This shows that sexual violence[3] is a widespread but not ubiquitous phenomenon in armed conflicts.

In view of the fact that there is no small number of armed groups that do not use sexual violence in conflict situations, Elizabeth Wood, Professor of Political Science at Yale, emphasizes that rape, assault or forced sterilization are not inevitable. There is therefore no empirical evidence for an automatism of sexual violence in armed conflicts. It is therefore all the more important to investigate which factors reduce the likelihood of armed actors using sexual violence against civilians. This should provide information on possible courses of action and help to develop policies to protect female citizens[4].

Possible factors

In the search for reasons, the thesis that women as part of an armed group have a relevant influence on the absence of sexual violence in armed conflicts represents an attempt at an explanation[5]. Authors who use this argument draw on different assumptions and sub-theses. Ceyda Kuloğlu, a researcher at Başkent University in Ankara, believes that these women must be sensitized to gender issues and exceed a certain percentage in relation to male members ("critical mass")[6]. If this percentage is reached, not only would the number of cases of sexual violence against female civilians decrease, but also within the armed group. The assumption here is that with a strong gender imbalance - in this case men - the numerically dominant gender is more likely to fall into classic role models.

The substitution thesis[7] advocates the idea that male combatants tend to use sexual violence if they do not have regular sexual satisfaction - whether through contact with prostitutes, loved ones (couple relationship, fellow fighters, etc.) or civilians by mutual consent. Proponents of this thesis argue, among other things, the correlation between military presence and the development of prostitution[8]. Among others, Wood[9] reports on statements by military personnel and officers who present the desire of male soldiers for sexual contact and its satisfaction as an issue that preoccupies the soldiers and significantly influences their actions. They would argue that if women are now part of their own group and sexual relationships are possible both inside and outside the group, there is no need to "avoid" outsiders. It must be emphasized here that such theories usually make use of common (heteronormative) gender stereotypes and transfer social gender roles to armed groups in conflicts. In addition, the deliberate use of sexual violence as a war strategy is completely ignored.

Other researchers[10] argue that women generally shy away from the use of sexual violence and that it is not part of their repertoire of violence. This argument runs the risk of falling back into classic gender stereotypes. However, Eriksson Baaz and Stern[11] and Reed et. al[12], for example, point to variations between male and female perpetrators in terms of their motives, the context and the consequences of the use of sexual violence. They argue that men are influenced by different gender-specific norms at a societal level than women and therefore the propensity for this form of violence differs between genders. However, it is not clear whether the effects of social influences at work here can also be applied in this form to armed groups.

Another explanatory approach is so-called male bonding[13], which refers to the establishment of collegial relationships between men by means of specific training practices in order to strengthen camaraderie. Although the phenomenon itself does not promote the use of sexual violence, the mechanisms that are used do. Male, heterosexual identity coupled with male superiority and power play an important role in producing a certain form of masculinity, soldierly masculinity, which is seen as an important character trait in armed conflicts[14].

Female fighters in Colombia and northern Syria

In order to discuss the initial thesis that women as part of an armed group have a relevant influence on the absence of sexual violence in armed conflicts, I will use two armed groups as case studies, both of which have a significantly high number of female fighters: the Colombian guerrilla FARC-EP (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army) and the Kurdish militia YPG/YPJ (People's Defense Units/Women's Defense Units).

The FARC-EP emerged from communist guerrilla movements in rural areas in the 1960s and was one of the most influential players in the decades-long civil war until the peace treaty was signed with the Colombian government in 2016. At that time, it had fewer than 6,000 members[15], after peaking at 10,000 - 15,000 in 2008[16]. The YPG/YPJ was founded in October 2011 in the context of the Syrian civil war with the aim of defending the predominantly Kurdish-inhabited areas of Syria. It is said to have a close relationship with the Turkish PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) and the Syrian PYD (Party of the Democratic Region), as the YPG/YPJ is also considered the armed force of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria/Rojava. In 2017, its troop strength was estimated at around 50,000 fighters.

Based on reports by the International Criminal Court, the UN Human Rights Council and Amnesty International[17], the picture is that there have clearly been cases of sexual violence by the FARC-EP, but so far there have been no reports of YPG/YPJ involvement in such practices.

If the sub-theses presented above are applied to the individual armed groups, a different picture emerges than the thesis discussed here would suggest: The FARC-EP fulfills more criteria that suggest a lower probability of the use of sexual violence than the YPG/YPJ. Even though both have a high proportion of women (FARC-EP around 40%, YPG/YPJ around a third), the YPG/YPJ has more "risk factors". For example, in the FARC-EP, male and female fighters are educated and trained together, whereas the YPG/YPJ trains its members in gender-segregated units. It should be noted here that the Kurdish militia is basically divided into a separate male unit (YPG) and female unit (YPJ), whereas in the FARC-EP the female combatants are part of the regular units and live in the same camps. Furthermore, intimate couple relationships between FARC-EP members are allowed, while they are strictly forbidden between YPG/YPJ fighters, according to a report by a female fighter[18].

Conclusion

As the discussion of the case studies between the Colombian guerrillas and the Kurdish militia shows, the presence of female fighters in itself has little explanatory potential for the absence of sexual violence against civilians. If one follows the assumptions made, it would be more likely that the YPG/YPJ would resort to this means of violence. However, the selected cases show the opposite. Accordingly, theories that argue on the basis of the mere presence of women are, on the one hand, not very informative and, on the other, often permeated by strong gender stereotypes. More promising, however, would appear to be further research into questions concerning the functions that women assume in the respective armed group and how their voice and influence on the actions and direction of the group are shaped as a result. Elisabeth Wood[19] also suggests that a greater focus must be placed on the hierarchical structure within the group as well as the underlying ideology and the (overall societal) socio-political context. In addition, it becomes clear that greater consideration needs to be given to gender stereotypes and the socialization of combatants.

[1] For a selection: Cohen, D. K. (2016): Rape During Civil War. Ithaca, NY. Kirby, P. (2013): How is rape a weapon of war? Feminist International Relations, Modes of Critical Explanation and the Study of Wartime Sexual Violence. European Journal of International Relations 19 (4), 797-821. Eriksson Baaz, M./Stern, M. (2009): Why do Soldiers Rape? Masculinity, Violence, and Sexuality in the Armed Forces in the Congo (DRC), International Studies Quarterly 53 (2), 495-518. Wood, E. J. (2009): Armed Groups and Sexual Violence. When Is Wartime Rape Rare?, Politics & Society 37 (1), 131-162.

[2] Cohen, D. K. (2016), 73.

[3] For the definition of sexual violence, see: International Criminal Court (2000): Elements of Crimes, U.N. Doc. PCNICC/2000/1/Add.2 Article 7 (1) (g). Available at: https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/724/27/PDF/N0072427.pdf?OpenElement [16.06.2019]

[4] Wood, E. J. (2009).

[5] Wood, E. J. (2009), 135-136.

[6] Kuloğlu, C. (2008): Violence Against Women in Conflict Zones. In: Carreiras, H. & Kümmel, G. (eds.): Women in the Military and in Armed Conflict. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 227-238.

[7] Enloe, C. H. (2000): Maneuvers. The International Politics of Militarizing Women's Lives. University of California Press, Berkeley, Calif, p. 111. Cohen, D. K. (2016). Wood, E. J. (2009): 135.

[8] Enloe, C. H. (2000),111.

[9] Wood, E. J. (2009), 135.

[10] Ibid; Reed, E./Gupta, J./Silverman, J. G. (2014): Understanding Sexual Violence Perpetration. JAMA Pediatr, 168(6), 581-582.

[11] Eriksson Baaz, M./Stern M. (2018): Curious erasures. The Sexual in Wartime Sexual Violence, International Feminist Journal of Politics, 20:3, 295-314,

[12] Reed, E./Gupta, J./Silverman, J. G. (2014).

[13] Tiger, L. (2004): Men in Groups. Taylor and Francis, Somerset.

[14] Cockburn, C. (2004): The Continuum of Violence. A Gender Perspective on War and Peace. In: Giles, W. M./ Hyndman, J. (eds.): Sites of violence: Gender and conflict zones. University of California Press, Berkeley, 24-44.

[15] Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research (2017): Conflict Barometer 2016, Heidelberg.

[16] Uppsala Conflict Data Program: FARC. http://ucdp.uu.se/#actor/7438 [28.08.2019].

[17] See for example for Colombia: International Criminal Court (2012): Situation in Colombia: Interim Report. Available at: https://www.icc-cpi.int/NR/rdonlyres/3D3055BD-16E2-4C83-BA85-35BCFD2A7922/285102/OTPCOLOMBIAPublicInterimReportNovember2012.pdf [23.09.2018] or Amnesty International (2017): Amnesty International (AI) (2004) Colombia. Cuerpos Marcados, Crímenes Silenciados.Violencia Sexual contra las Mujeres en el Marco del Conflicto Armado. Editorial Amnistía Internacional, Madrid, available at: https://www.amnesty.org/es/documents/AMR23/040/2004/es/ [31.08.2019]; see for example for Syria the reports of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic available at: https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/IICISyria/Pages/Documentation.aspx [31.08.2019].

[18] Buckler, J.-B. (2016): A German YPG fighter tells what the war against IS looks like from the inside. https://www.vice.com/de/article/8gbj5v/ein-deutscher-ypg-kaempfererzaehlt-wie-der-krieg-gegen-den-is-von-innen-aussieht-885 [25.09.2018].

[19] Wood, E. J. (2009).